Sirens and Shelters: Gulf Residents Recall Iran Conflict
Gulf communities weigh years of recovery after months of Iranian attacks
For the residents of the Gulf states who lived through months of Iranian drone and missile fire, the conflict was never an abstraction of regional strategy. It was the daily reality of sirens, damaged infrastructure and the uncertainty of what would still be standing when it ended. A new Congressional Research Service report counts the scale of that experience: Iran fired more than 6,700 drones and missiles at the six Gulf Cooperation Council states between Feb. 28 and May 17. The United Arab Emirates absorbed nearly half of those attacks and bore the heaviest share of the burden.
The toll runs deep. Energy analysts at Welligence estimated that Iranian attacks destroyed more than $25 billion in Gulf oil and gas infrastructure through early April. In March, a strike on Qatar’s Ras Laffan LNG facility eliminated an estimated 17% of the country’s LNG export capacity, losses QatarEnergy expects to persist for years. For the workers, families and communities whose livelihoods depend on those facilities, the damage is not a temporary setback but a long shadow over the region’s economic life.
Meanwhile, how each Gulf government responded to the danger differed sharply, reflecting the distinct circumstances of each population. The UAE, after facing so much of the fire, shifted toward hostility with Iran, deepened ties with the United States and Israel, and withdrew from OPEC in May. Saudi Arabia called for de-escalation and promoted Pakistan-based peace talks while asserting a right to self-defense. Qatar and Oman chose diplomatic engagement.
The stakes reach well beyond the Gulf itself. Before the conflict, about 20 million barrels of oil per day transited the Strait of Hormuz, roughly 25% of global seaborne oil trade, and 80% of it was destined for Asia, according to the International Energy Agency. About 93% of Qatar’s and 96% of the UAE’s LNG exports also moved through the Strait. Any disruption there touches consumers and economies far from the waterway, but it is the Gulf communities living alongside it who face the consequences first.
Washington’s response has been swift on weapons and pointed in rhetoric. The Trump administration invoked emergency provisions of the Arms Export Control Act in March and May to expedite more than $30 billion in munitions and air and missile defense sales to Israel, Jordan, Kuwait, Qatar and the UAE, bypassing otherwise required congressional review. On May 27, President Donald Trump warned that Oman would “behave just like everybody else or we’ll have to blow them up” while discussing keeping the Strait open. The next day, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent said in a social media post that Treasury would “aggressively target” actors facilitating tolls in the Strait.
Behind the headline figures, practical questions remain unanswered, including for the American personnel stationed in the region. The Defense Department’s chief financial officer declined to estimate repair costs for damaged U.S. facilities, citing uncertainty over future basing plans and potential host-nation contributions. That uncertainty leaves open how quickly damaged infrastructure, and the communities around it, can recover.
The Congressional Research Service identifies three issues Congress may weigh as the conflict reshapes regional security: U.S. basing and force posture, arms sales, and Gulf responses to U.S. requests to normalize relations with Israel. The report also flags uneven vulnerability among the Gulf states themselves. Bahrain may require external financial assistance if conditions do not improve relatively quickly, while the UAE remains exposed to sustained disruptions in trade, transit and foreign labor.
For the people of the Gulf, the conflict’s end will not mean an immediate return to normal life. Damaged energy facilities will take years to restore, economies built on open waterways remain exposed, and the choices their governments made during the fighting, whether toward confrontation, mediation or diplomacy, will shape daily life in the region for some time to come.
Q&A
How many drones and missiles did Iran fire at Gulf states during the conflict?
More than 6,700 drones and missiles were fired at the six Gulf Cooperation Council states between Feb. 28 and May 17, according to a Congressional Research Service report, with the UAE absorbing nearly half of those attacks.
What damage did Iranian strikes cause to Gulf energy infrastructure?
Welligence analysts estimated attacks destroyed more than $25 billion in Gulf oil and gas infrastructure through early April. A March strike on Qatar's Ras Laffan LNG facility eliminated an estimated 17% of the country's LNG export capacity, losses QatarEnergy expects to persist for years.
How did Gulf governments respond to the Iranian attacks?
The UAE shifted toward hostility with Iran, deepened ties with the United States and Israel, and withdrew from OPEC in May. Saudi Arabia called for de-escalation and promoted Pakistan-based peace talks while asserting a right to self-defense. Qatar and Oman chose diplomatic engagement.
What issues does the Congressional Research Service say Congress may weigh?
The report identifies three issues: U.S. basing and force posture, arms sales, and Gulf responses to U.S. requests to normalize relations with Israel. It also flags uneven vulnerability, noting Bahrain may require external financial assistance while the UAE remains exposed to sustained disruptions in trade, transit and foreign labor.